Opening notes: usual disclaimers apply. Given the size and
scope of the conference, I couldn’t attend half of what interested me. (I wish
more people would send in their papers so I could read them!) My notes aren’t guaranteed to be accurate and
reflect my opinions.
Plenary Session
Who Should Pay for Progress?
Jeremy Sheff
IP law embodies a conception of distributive justice; this
is legitimate but contestable—competing conceptions of justice, not a failure
of justice or justice v. efficiency.
Implementing IP’s conception of distributive justice is difficult
practically, which is responsible for common doctrinal tensions.
Access: who should enjoy the benefits of creative
activity. Alternative regimes may have
components of compulsory licensing or open access. But access is only one side of distribution;
the other side is burdens. Who
pays? Assume we’re certain that our
regime will produce any unit of knowledge we want. How would the regime
distribute the burdens of producing that knowledge? One feature of alternative regimes is that
they often distribute burdens assuming that the gov’t has a role to play and
that there’s no specific taxation, though there’s progressive taxation/ability
to pay. IP imposes pecuniary and nonpecuniary burdens—the burden of legal
exclusion. This burden is only felt by people who feel the absence of a benefit
that would be theirs under another regime (access to a drug, for example).
The burdens of producing a unit of new knowledge ought to be
correlated to the benefits at the level of the individual. That’s a principle of
distributive justice we can infer from the IP regime.
This is not an inevitable principle of distributive justice,
but it is a legitimate one. Issues: relevance of luck, desert w/r/t inherited
endowments; responsibility of individuals for historical injustices from which
they benefit but which they did not cause; moral responsibility for future
generations; duties of one moral agent to another; whether and how aggregation
of individual needs, values, and preferences ought to be carried out.
When we argue over desirability of IP v. alternative
frameworks, these deeper normative/philosophical questions are what we’re
really arguing about even if we claim to be arguing about welfare maximization.
Regardless of whether we think that the “correlation at the
individual level” principle is just, we have to concede it isn’t easy. Substantial similarity in copyright;
nonobviousness in patent. Debates over
moral duty of filesharers to pay for music they enjoy.
Wendy Gordon: In patent, you don’t have to receive a benefit
from someone to be liable for infringing their patent.
Sheff: True, works better in copyright.
Mark Lemley: your theory would be consistent with a user fee
theory of gov’t, but most of the things we care about in society we don’t take
that view—people who benefit from welfare aren’t the ones we think should pay
for welfare (careful about that ‘we’)—why do we think that in IP?
Sheff: not trying to be prescriptive, but descriptive. Should do the work of addressing the
normative commitments in a distributive exercise—what moral individuals are
responsible to one another for.
Q: how do economic theories fit in?
Sheff: buried distributive concerns: user pays means we have
to figure out who is a user and what it means to pay.
Is the time Allocated to Review Patent Applications Inducing
Examiners to Grant Invalid Patents? Evidence from Micro-level Application Data
Melissa Wasserman (presenter; coauthored with Michael
Frakes)
Is there empirical evidence that PTO overgrants
patents? The time they’re allocated to
review an application is one piece of evidence.
Average: 19 hours to review each application, search prior art,
determine patentability; novelty and nonobviousness take the most time. Obviousness is the most time intensive, b/c
you have to cobble together prior art. Applications
are presumed valid.
Lots of anecdotal evidence that examiners lack time, leading
to invalid grants. Hypothesis: as given less time, examiners will cite less
prior art, make fewer time intensive objections like obviousness, grant more
patents. Take advantage of fact that
promotions decrease time allocated to review applications. GS-7 gets about twice as much time as GS-14
(10.2 hours). There is a change in level
of scrutiny when you get promoted to GS-14—below that all decisions are
reviewed by an examiner with full signatory authority.
Tracked grant rate, rejections, number of prior art
references cited over time. All 1.4
million utility patent applications from 2001-2012 filed on or after March 2001
and published or disposed of by July 2012.
FOIA’ed PTO for annual roster of GS level and experience.
Results: evolution of grant rate over course of examiner’s
career. As you get promoted, you grant
more patents. Is that just an experience
effect? Decouple b/c promotions don’t
always happen on a particular schedule.
Turns out it’s true even after controlling for experience. Grant rate seems to increase on promotion,
but when you spend more time at a particular level, grant rate goes down. It’s a learning story—examiners get better at
forming bases of rejection, only to get interrupted on promotion and new time
crunch.
Obviousness rejections show the same pattern—they decrease
with time crunch, then creep back up after the examiner gains experience with
their allocated time period. Higher GS
level = fewer examiner (not applicant) citations of prior art (at least for
issued patents).
PTO may be treating similar applicants in dissimilar
ways. Scaling of time allotments may be
too aggressive.
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